Temperatures to drop below normal in northern Burma

In northern Kachin State, the temperatures will be at least 4 degrees colder than normal in February, according to Tun Lwin, a prominent Burmese meteorologist.

Last year in February, Kachin State had temperatures in -10 to -8 degrees Celsius range. This year, during the first two weeks of February, the region could reach -14 to -10 degrees Celsius because of La Nina.

'I think Kachin State will have -14 to -10 degrees Celsius this year', Tun Lwin told Mizzima. Wind from the Arctic will move into inland areas and that will result in freezing cold, he said.

Two years ago, cold air currents entered North America, Europe and Asia. This year, they moved into the Himalayas and will now move into northern Burma.

‘In the past, the cold wind used to come from India (northwestern) or China (northeastern). This year, a cold wave is likely to enter from the north. It will affect northeastern Kachin State and the temperatures could be less than -10 degrees Celsius,’ Tun Lwin said.

Tun Lwin said on his website that in the upper part of Kachin State, in northern Chin and Shan states and in northern Sagaing Division, the temperatures will drop below freezing in February and such cold waves can cause death.

‘Especially, in Chin State and Shan State, the temperature will be six degrees colder than normal. So, that can be identified as a moderate cold wave, but it can cause death if people are negligent,’ he said.

In early February, early morning mist is expected in Kachin, Chin, northern Arakan and northern Shan states and in Sagaing, Magway and Mandalay divisions, and in Karenni, southern Arakan and southern Shan states.

Tun Lwin said, ‘Currently, the weather is cold and the wind can cause drops of water in the sky. If the drops are not far away from the ground, mist will form. If they are very high, a cloud could form. Currently, they are not too high. So, in February, mist will come down in Burma. It’s usual, but, the mist will come down heavier than the past’.

Moreover, in Taninsarim Division and Mon State, severe gales are expected with winds of up to 35 miles per hour (56.3 kilometres per hour).

‘The gales could cause huge waves along the Mon and Taninsarim coasts. Sometimes, the waves may be big enough to capsize ships and boats,’ Tun Lwin said.

On January 16, a snow storm hit Panwa in northern Kachin State, and damaged border checkpoints on the Sino-Burmese border.

The state-run newspaper New Light of Myanmar said on January 19 that the temperatures were now three to four degrees colder than normal in Kachin and Chin states and in the upper part of Sagaing Division.

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Hydropower plant opens in Kachin State

The Tarpein-1 Hydropower Plant, one of 18 hydropower projects built or under construction in Kachin State, opened on Sunday, according to state-run newspapers.

Work on the Tarpein-1 Hydropower Plant in Momauk was begun in December 2007 in partnership with a Chinese company, Datang (Yunnan) United Hydropower Developing Co., Ltd. and the Ministry of Electric Power No. 1.

The plant can generate 1,065 million KW hours a year. According to the development index of Burma that was compiled by the World Bank in 2010, the average Burmese uses 94 kilowatts of electricity per year. Burma is ranked ninth among southeast Asian countries.

Burma has a total of 31 power plants. Fifteen are hydropower plants, one is a coal-fired power plant and 15 are gas-fired power plants. They can generate a total of 3,045 Megawatts a year, according to Burmese officials.

The 18 hydropower projects in Kachin State are Myitsone, Chiphwe, Wusauk, Khaunglanphu, Yeenan, Phizaw, Lazar, Chipwenge, Htarkh, Gawlan, Wukyonejie, Khankan, Htoneshinchaung, Laungdin, Tarpein (1), Tarpein(2), Namtabet (1) and Namtabet (2), with a total capacity of 20,760 Megawatts.

The projects have been implemented in partnership of the Ministry of Electric Power No. 1 and three Chinese companies: Datang (Yunnan) United Hydropower Developing Co., Ltd., China Power Investment Corporation and Yunnan Power Investment Corporation.

The amount of electricity demand in Burma is 1,555.25 Megawatts, according to the Ministry of Energy.

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Mon Party to introduce farm ownership bill

The All Mon Region Democracy Party (AMRDP) will introduce a Parliamentary bill to allow farmers to own their farms.

Party leader Nai Ngwe Thein said: ‘We heard recently about the land confiscation cases in Kyaikmaraw to build a cement factory. We discussed that case in our party’s central committee meeting. We want farmers to own their own farms, and we will propose it’.

Last week, Mon MPs-elect traveled to Ye, Thanbyuzayat, Mudon, Chaungzon and Kyaikmaraw to conduct an informal survey of people’s opinions about private ownership of farms.

Many residents in Kyaikmaraw, Mudon and Ye said that their land had been confiscated including some farm land for dam projects, according to the party. Residents in Kyaikmaraw said that the Zaygabar Company Limited had seized more than 800 acres of farm land during the previous months, said party officials.

During 2002-03, the army confiscated land in Ye and Thanbyuzayat in Mon State and Yephyu in Taninsarim Division. More than 12,000 acres of farmland have been confiscated since 2010, according to a report compiled by the Human Rights Foundation of Monland, which is based in Thailand.

The proposal is likely to fail in Parliament, but Nai Ngwe Thein said it was important to introduce the issue for discussion.

The USDP party, which won a majority of seats in Parliament, supports the current law which gives ultimate ownership of farm land to the state.

During mid-January, five ethnic parties including the AMRDP held a meeting in Rangoon and issued a joint statement to urge the junta to release all political prisoners and to give them their full rights.

The statement also urged the international community to lift economic sanctions against Burma and urged the Parliament to select ethnic representatives to be appointed as vice president and ministers in relevant states.

Sixteen out of the 34 AMRDP candidates won parliamentary seats in the recent elections.

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Political parties urge Than Shwe to investigate electoral fraud

The Union of Myanmar Federation of National Politics (UMFNP) has sent an official letter to Senior General Than Shwe urging him to establish a commission to investigate electoral fraud in the recent elections, according to the party. The letter was sent on January 10.

Union of Myanmar Federation of National Politics chairman Aye Lwin (above) says there has been inaction in 29 cases submitted by police to courts last week involving alleged electoral fraud committed by main junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party. Photo: Mizzima Archive

Party chairman Aye Lwin told Mizzima: ‘Senior General Than Shwe should investigate the reported electoral frauds. If he doesn’t, it will mean that he accepts the unfairness, and he will be an accomplice in the fraud’.

The letter said that the electoral processes in some constituencies, including the one in which his party contested, were illegal, according to Aye Lwin.

Similarly, the 88 Generation Student Youths (Union of Myanmar), led by Ye Tun, Aye Lwin’s younger brother, also requested the creation of an investigating commission.

The two parties contested for a total of 85 parliamentary seats in Sagaing, Magway, Mandalay, Rangoon, Pegu and Irrawaddy divisions and in Chin State. Only the 88 Generation Student Youths (Union of Myanmar) won a parliamentary seat in the Hlaingtharyar Township constituency for the Rangoon Division Assembly.

They parties said that they have filed 28 electoral complaints with the police. The authorities said that the complaints were handed over to the Ministry of Home Affairs. So far, none of the cases has been heard.

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Than Shwe appoints military representatives to parliament

Burma’s Commander in Chief of Defense Services, Senior General Than Shwe, has appointed 388 parliamentary representatives from the military as per constitutional quota, according to an announcement by the Union Election Commission (UEC).

A brigadier general, colonels, lieutenant colonels, majors and captains account for the parliamentary seats. In total, 110 military representatives were appointed to the People’s Parliament, 56 to the National Parliament and 222 to the State/Region Parliament. Of the delegates, 353 are from the army, 19 from the navy and 16 from the air force.

Karen State Peace and Development Council chairman Brigadier General Zaw Min, a graduate from the 56th batch of Officer Training School (OTS) and having served as Deputy Commander of South-East Command, was selected as an MP for the Karen State Parliament.

Similarly, high-ranking officers Colonel Than Aung, from the 64th batch of OTS, Colonel Htay Myint Aung, from the 12th batch of Office Training Course (OTC) and Colonel Aung Thu of the 24th Defense Service Academy batch have also been appointed as MPs of the Kachin, Mon and Shan State Parliaments, respectively.

Further, Colonel Ant Zaw, from the 10th batch of OTC, Colonel Tint San, from the 26th DSA batch and Rangoon Division Tactical Operation Commander Colonel Maung Maung Htoo, from the 11th batch of OTC, have been named as MPs of the Magway Division Parliament, People’s Parliament and National Parliament, respectively.

“The authorities held the elections. And the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won the elections and appointed the military personnel to serve in parliament. They have also privatised many businesses to close associates. So, nothing is left,” assessed Htay Aung, a Burmese military observer in Australia.

The list was announced 11 days ahead of the first parliamentary session, to be held on the final day of January. The primary duty of appointed armed forces representatives is to be military affairs, though during parliamentary sessions they will also be expected to attend meetings and carry out tasks in accordance with orders handed down by the Commander in Chief, who maintains authority to dismiss and replace appointed military representatives.

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USDP loses lawsuit filed against the White Tiger Party

The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) has lost its lawsuit filed against the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP), or White Tiger party, alleging electoral fraud.

USDP candidate Dr. Sai Kham Hlaing from Kunhein constituency No. 1 in southern Shan State filed a lawsuit against elected MP Sai Mon, a.k.a. Sai Kyaw Tun, alleging electoral fraud and improper polling booth activities. The election tribunal in Naypyidaw dismissed the case on Thursday, citing a lack of evidence.

In the election, defendant Sai Mon won over plaintiff Dr. Sai Kham Hlaing with a clear margin of 4,378 to 2033 votes respectively.

The plaintiff was required to deposit 1 million kyat (US$ 1,814) for filing lawsuit and the deposit is non-refundable.

If the defendant is found guilty, he or she could be given a one-year prison term or fined up to 100,000 kyat or both. If the defendant is acquitted, the plaintiff could be given a 3-year prison term or fined up to 300,000 kyat or both.

Two other cases filed against White Tiger Party MPs by the USDP for electoral fraud are still pending.

In the cases, USDP candidate Yone Mu filed a lawsuit against the elected MP from Moemauk constituency and Daw Wine of the USDP filed a lawsuit against elected representative Sai Myo Aung of the Moemauk State assembly constituency. The election tribunal in Naypyidaw will hear the cases on January 24 and 27, respectively.

The USDP, which has been widely accused of rampant vote rigging and electoral fraud, has also filed lawsuits against winning candidates of the National Unity Party, the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party and the National Democratic Force.

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About us and contact us

Ta’ang Students and Youth Organization -TSYO

[MISSION]

The Ta’ang Students and Youth Organization (TSYO) is working for peace, justice, to build a Democratic country, and to improve the lives of Ta’ang students, youth, and all people.

[GOALS]
1. To work for peace and to develop the Ta’ang region.
2. To increase the number of Ta’ang youth who can participate as leaders.
3. To promote gender equality.
4. To end the military dictatorship system.
5. To build a federalist democratic country with equality and self-determination.

[OBJECTIVES]
1. To promote the social status of the whole Ta’ang nationality and students and young Ta’ang through youth capacity building training.
2. To cooperate with democratic organizations and national revolution moments, international youth and women’s organizations, Students and Youth Congress and our people for the struggle.
3. To implement the activities to preserve and encourage the value of culture, literature, traditions and national identity of the Ta’ang people.
4. To implement the activities for fighting against the drug dispersion in the Ta’ang region.
5. To provide education and increase awareness of health care issues to fight the health predicament of the Ta’ang people.
6. To advocate the international community and alliance groups to protect Ta’ang people and reduce the human right violations in the Ta’ang region.
7. To safeguard the environment and natural resources of the Ta’ang people and Ta’ang land.
8. To implement the working plan to encourage the ability of Ta’ang youth on education.
9. To implement the work plan to organize to get more support from the Ta’ang people.
10. To work against the activities of the military dictatorship system.

[ORGANIZATION PROFILE]
In 1963, the Palaung State Liberation Party, PSLP started to fight for self-determination and equal rights for Ta’ang (Palaung) people. In 1991, they made a cease-fire with the Burmese regime. However, some PSLP leaders who were dissatisfied and didn’t accept the cease-fire agreement formed the Palaung State Liberation Front (PSLF) in the Karen area in Manaplaw in 1992.

Some of the PSLF members wanted to support the Ta’ang youth, and established the Palaung Students and Youth Organization (PSYO) on the Thai-Burma border in 1993. The name was changed to the Palaung Youth Network Group (PYNG) during the second meeting on 27 December, 1998.

In March 2007, the first Congress (election) of Palaung Youth Network Group [Ta’ang] was successfully held in a liberated area on the Thai-Burma border.

In 2008 December, the second congress of PYNG decided to change the name of the organization to the Ta’ang Students and Youth Organization (TSYO) to reflect that although we are called the Palaung in the Burmese language, we will start to call ourselves “Ta’ang” as per our own language.

We also changed the structure of our organization during our second Congress, from a Coordinator system to a Secretary system. The congress elected 7 Executive Committee Members to lead the second term of the TSYO by secret ballot. The Secretary system was implemented.

[BACKGROUND ON THE TA'ANG]

The Ta’ang (Palaung) people are one of the indigenous nationalities within the multi-national Union of Burma, descended from Mon-Khmer.

The Ta’ang people have their own language and literature, a distinctive traditional culture, their own territory, and a self-sufficient economy.

When people think about tea in Burma, one community springs to mind: the Ta’ang. Tea is the backbone of the economy and is famous throughout the region as the product of the Ta’ang people.

[TSYO ACTIVITIES]

Capacity-Building Program
TSYO provides different kinds of training to Ta’ang youth on human rights, democracy, the rule of law, transitional justice, civil society, community organizing, federalism, and the constitution. The trainings have been provided to the Ta’ang people in the Ta’ang region and on the China-Burma border to increase knowledge of human rights and political consciousness in the communities. By improving the capacity of the members, we can strengthen future TSYO activities, and the Ta’ang youth can participate more in building a democratic society in Burma through cooperating with other alliance groups.
On the Thai-Burma border, TSYO conducts similar education programs, but additionally we teach information technology, media studies, human rights and politics, basic field medicine, English, and other capacity-building training initiatives. Our goals are for our members to complete the program with improved abilities, knowledge and experience to be able to work more effectively for our organization. In addition, to promote TSYO member’s English skills, we receive an English teacher from Burma Volunteer Program (BVP) to conduct regular English classes in our office.

Health Assistance Program
Some members attend health assistance training at the Mae Tao clinic in Mae Sot. Our medics return to the Ta’ang area after they complete the training to assist Ta’ang people by setting up long-term health initiatives. We try to assist our people with health care and access to medicine in the Ta’ang area. TSYO is working together with the Palaung Women Organization (PWO) to set up mobile clinics and backpack medics in the Ta’ang region to fight and document the health issues.

Human Rights Documentation and Information
Since 2004, TSYO members have participated with the Network for Human Rights Documentation on Burma (ND-Burma) to establish and contribute to a common database on human rights documentation in Burma. We have released news concerning the human rights situation in the Ta’ang region to different broadcasting media groups, and we built the http://www.palaungland.org website in 2008. We currently collect data about land confiscation in the Ta’ang region for our report which we plan to release in the end of 2009.

Education Project
Since August 2006, TSYO has been collecting facts about the problems of the education system within the Ta’ang area and in Burma. We continue to collect information, and plan to release the report in September 2009.

Environment Program
We conduct trainings and workshops on protecting the environment. We work to raise awareness of how dams impact the local communities, and we collect updated information about where the Chinese companies and the military regime will build more dams on the Shweli River in northern Shan State. We released a report on the Shweli Dam 1, “Under the Boot” in December 2007. TSYO campaigned against the dam construction, and will continue to fight against future dam projects.

Culture and Literature Project
TSYO supports the Ta’ang Culture and Literature Committee to provide trainings about Ta’ang literature in the Ta’ang region and Thai-Burma border. TSYO has been assisting the Ta’ang music group financially and also supporting and promoting young Ta’ang people to compose and release Ta’ang songs. TSYO is currently writing a Ta’ang/Burmese/English dictionary and also plan to release it as a Burmese- Ta’ang- English dictionary.

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ပိန္ဂ်ိဴ၀့္မည္

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Revenue from Refugees?

Sombat couldn’t understand why Nypyidaw gave him the shivers. Perhaps it was because it was the only place in Burma where the electricity worked all day long.

He was glad to be back in the broken-down bustle of Rangoon. He used to enjoy the unofficial meetings with his opposite numbers in the ministry before they moved to the new capital.

With no flight back to Bangkok till the next morning, Sombat had time to relax and go for a shave.

He eased into the barber’s chair, emitting a weary sigh.

The barber remembered this Thai gentleman from before. He was a good tipper, but today he looked troubled and tired.

He got a cold towel out of the refrigerator. Fortunately he hadn’t had to turn on the generator during the afternoon.

“What is it with those bloody generals?” Sombat mused, not realizing he had spoken out loud.

“They are wearying,” said the barber, thankful no other customers were in the shop. He remembered that this man worked for the Thai government.

“Why can’t they just leave everyone in peace?” Sombat asked.

“Indeed, our great generals promote neither peace nor development,” said the barber, rubbing Sombat’s forehead with the towel. “They take our gas and sell it to your country, but they won’t burn any for us to keep the lights on here.”

“It’s a pity your generals spend so little on making life better for the Burmese people,” said Sombat. “You would think it would be cheaper than oppressing everyone with a huge standing army and always having to watch your back,” Sombat said.

“Did you know we have 135,000 people from Burma sitting around all day doing nothing in refugee camps? What a waste!” Sombat said.

The barber knew. Everyone in Rangoon knew. If the soldiers could kill monks and students demonstrating on city streets, it required no imagination to think of the horrors they must perpetrate in the highlands. No wonder so many had fled across the border.

“Some of the refugees have been there for years—what are we supposed to do with them?” asked Sombat.

The barber thought for a moment. “You could try charging fees,” he said.

“Charging fees?”

“Yes. The Australian government charged illegals 125 dollars a day. ‘Detention fees,’ they called it. Ran up bills of hundreds of thousands in some cases, I heard,” said the barber.

“Did they actually get paid?” asked Sombat.

“No idea. They recently gave them up, though,” said the barber.

Sombat chuckled, settling back for his shave.

As the barber lathered his face, Sombat wondered how the Thai government could charge refugees a daily fee and what they could call it.

They couldn’t call it an “overstay fee,” which is what the countless foreigners in Thailand had to pay, because the refugees didn’t have permission to come in the first place.

“Detention fee” implied they had done something wrong, Sombat thought. No one could blame the refugees for wanting to get away from the Tatmadaw. He’d wanted to escape himself after a day in Naypyidaw.

Perhaps they could call it a “holding fee,” a “care charge,” or even a “warehousing charge,” he thought.

Sombat told himself to be serious—these were people, not merchandise. It was a pity Immigration couldn’t charge someone the equivalent of demurrage, though. The Customs Department made a killing on that one.

First, the refugees would have to earn money somehow to pay the fee, mused Sombat, warming to the prospect of getting someone else to give the refugees money before the government took it from them.

At the ministry, they had discussed getting the refugees to work, Sombat recalled. They had agreed they couldn’t follow the same system used by the Corrections Department, who paid inmates working in the jail workshops. The refugees were not criminals, though, no doubt, they were not being treated so differently.

They had discussed getting the Board of Investment involved, setting up mini-industrial zones with special tax-free privileges, but then their own workforce would be screaming that jobs were being taken away from them. Besides, the camps were in the most inaccessible places.

Maybe they could get companies wanting cheap labor to build holding camps near the industrial estates, privatizing the whole thing, as it were.

The trouble was, Sombat thought, they couldn’t be too nice to the refugees, as many more might come over and their own Thai people would be up in arms. If they found a way to make the refugees lucrative, the aid agencies would pull out and the Thai government would be accused of exploitation and even slavery. If they were too harsh, they could be accused of human rights abuses.

“Would that be all, sir?”

Sombat had barely noticed the shave was over.

“If only we could charge the refugees by the day,” Sombat said with a sigh.

“I meant charging the generals, not the refugees,” said the barber.

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Bush policy speech

Laura and I are delighted to be back in Bangkok. We appreciate the gracious welcome extended by His Majesty the King and Her Majesty the Queen.

Above all, I bring America's warmest wishes to our oldest allies in Asia, the people of Thailand. Our friendship began 175 years ago this spring, when President Andrew Jackson dispatched an envoy to Siam. Negotiators soon concluded a treaty of peace and commerce and sealed it with a lotus flower on one side and an eagle and stars on the other. Generations of close friendship followed. At one point, the Thai King offered to send elephants to America. President Abraham Lincoln had to politely decline.

The values of freedom and openness that gave birth to our alliance have sustained it through the centuries. American troops and the Royal Thai Armed Forces have stood united from Korea and Vietnam to Afghanistan and Iraq. Our free market economies have surged forward on a rising tide of trade and investment. Tourism has boomed, as more people discover this beautiful and ancient land. And some 200,000 Thai Americans now enrich my nation with their enterprise, culture, and faith.

On this historic anniversary of our alliance, America looks to Thailand as a leader in the region and a partner around the world. I was proud to designate Thailand a major non-NATO ally of the United States. And I salute the Thai people on the restoration of democracy, which has proved that liberty and law reign here in the "Land of the Free."

In many ways, the story of Thailand is the story of this region. Over the past six decades, Asia has gone from an area mired in poverty and recovering from world war to a thriving and dynamic region. America has played a pivotal role in this transformation. By maintaining a stabilising military presence, we helped to free emerging nations from concerns about security. By pursuing strong diplomatic engagement, we helped once-hostile nations resolve their differences in peace. And by opening our markets to Asian exports, we helped powerful economies to take shape.

America is proud of these contributions. Yet the primary source of this region's success is its people. From South Korea to Singapore, nations pursued economic policies based on free enterprise, free trade, and the rule of law. The results have astounded the world. Last year, trade in goods between the United States and this side of the Pacific reached one trillion dollars. And in a striking change from the pattern of centuries, more trade now crosses the Pacific than the Atlantic.

With the rise of economic freedom has come a dramatic expansion of political liberty. After World War II, Australia and New Zealand were this region's only democracies. Today, the majority of Asian nations answer to their citizens. With this shift, the people of this region have defied the sceptics who claimed that "Asian values" were incompatible with liberty. Free societies have emerged in largely Buddhist Thailand, largely Hindu India, largely Muslim Indonesia, largely Shinto Japan and the largely Christian Philippines. As freedom has taken root, peace has followed. And the region has gone decades without a major war.

Some have called this transformation "The Asian Miracle." In truth, it is no miracle at all. It is evidence of universal truths: The passion for liberty transcends culture and faith. Free markets unleash innovation and blaze the path to prosperity. And trusting in the natural talent and creativity of a nation's people is the surest way to build a vibrant and hopeful society.

When I became President, I brought a conviction that America is a Pacific nation and that our interests and ideals alike require stronger engagement in Asia than ever before. So over the past seven years, America has pursued four broad goals in the region: to reinvigorate our alliances to forge new relationships with countries that share our values to seize new opportunities for prosperity and growth and to confront shared challenges together.

Confident and purposeful alliances are the best way to advance peace and prosperity in Asia. America has five treaty alliances in Asia. We take them seriously, and we have bolstered each one. We signed a new treaty with Australia that deepens our cooperation in defense trade. We helped the Philippines upgrade its military capabilities. We have strengthened security initiatives here in Thailand. We are improving our force posture in South Korea by working to move our troops out of cities and towns and into more strategically effective positions. And we have reinforced our close alliance with Japan by launching new missile defense initiatives and by transforming our troop posture in a way that preserves our strong position to maintain peace in the Pacific.

All these steps were designed to reassure our allies that America will stand firmly beside them in any test we face. I also worked to develop strong personal relationships with our allies' elected leaders. These friendships are built on a foundation of honesty, respect, and shared values. And when a new occupant moves into the White House next year, America's alliances in Asia will be the strongest they have ever been.

As America has revitalised our treaty alliances, we have forged deeper ties with other free nations in Asia. Countries that share our democratic ideals should be natural partners of the United States. Yet when I took office, our relations with many free nations in Asia were strained. For example, America has dramatically improved our ties with India — the world's largest democracy — including a historic agreement on civilian nuclear energy.

We have also turned around our relationship with Indonesia, which is home to more Muslims than any other nation on Earth. We have partnered closely with Indonesia's freely elected government to help develop the institutions of a vibrant democracy after decades under military rule. We have signed a landmark agreement with Mongolia to help boost democratic development. We have enhanced cooperation with the thriving countries of ASEAN, which is now chaired by the great nation of Thailand. And we have joined with free nations throughout the region to establish a new Asia Pacific Democracy Partnership the region's only organisation whose sole focus is promoting democratic values and institutions in Asia.

Overall, America has improved our relationships with all of Asia's major powers at the same time. Experts would have said this was impossible because of the historical tensions between these nations. But something has rendered the old patterns obsolete: In an era of integrated markets and common threats, the expansion of freedom in one nation benefits all other free nations. This change marks a sharp departure from the zero-sum mentality of the past. And this change provides a clear charge for the future: Every nation in this region has a stake in ensuring that Asia continues to grow in liberty, prosperity, and hope.

One of the most powerful drivers of liberty, prosperity, and hope is trade. When I took office, America had free trade agreements in force with only three countries, none of them in Asia. Today we have agreements in force with 14 countries, including Australia and Singapore. We have concluded a promising agreement with South Korea, which I am pushing the United States Congress to pass. We have begun negotiating a free trade agreement with Malaysia and a bilateral investment treaty with Vietnam. We look forward to resuming trade negotiations with Thailand. And we have supported the vision of a Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific, which would bring down trade barriers across this region. The nations of the Asia Pacific now have more vibrant trade and investment ties than ever. And workers, consumers, and entrepreneurs across this region will reap the benefits for years to come.

Unfortunately, America sometimes sends mixed signals about the openness of our economy. Voices of economic isolationism do not represent the interests of the American people. For decades, America has maintained a bipartisan commitment to flexible, open markets. This must not change. I urge people across this region to reject protectionism in your own countries. Together, we can lead the world toward more growth, more jobs, and more opportunities by staying open to investment and trade.

For all the gains we have made, our nations still face challenges, and we are working to confront them together:

Together, we are confronting the threat of terror. With partners across this region, we have captured or killed some of the world's most dangerous terrorists. We are also working to counter the hateful ideology of the extremists with a more hopeful alternative. We strongly support democracies like Thailand, Indonesia, and Malaysia, which are making determined stands against extremism and showing that Islam and tolerance go hand-in-hand. Many of America's friends in Asia have also stood with us in Afghanistan and Iraq, where newly free people are replacing decades of fear with a future of hope. America is proud to stand with so many brave partners in answering the calling of our time. And no matter how difficult the task may be, we will not relent until this ideological struggle is won.

Together, we are confronting the threat posed by North Korea. The nations of Northeast Asia all have an urgent stake in ensuring that Pyongyang does not threaten the region with nuclear weapons. Yet when I took office, there was no way for these nations to approach North Korea with a unified front. So America joined with China, South Korea, Japan, and Russia to create the Six-Party Talks. Faced with concerted pressure from all its neighbors, North Korea has pledged to dismantle its nuclear facilities and give up its nuclear weapons. Recently the regime submitted a declaration of its nuclear activities. Now the North Korean regime must commit to help us verify the declaration and address outstanding concerns about its behavior, including its proliferation and uranium enrichment. The other five parties will stand united until we reach our ultimate goal: a Korean Peninsula free of oppression and free of nuclear weapons. And the United States will continue to insist that the regime in Pyongyang end its harsh rule and respect the dignity and human rights of the North Korean people.

Together, we seek an end to tyranny in Burma. This noble cause has many devoted champions, and I happen to be married to one of them. Today, Laura is traveling to the Thai-Burmese border, where she is visiting a resettlement camp and a medical clinic. America reiterates our call on Burma's military junta to release Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners. And we will continue working until the people of Burma have the freedom they deserve.

Together, we are confronting other serious challenges to our people and our prosperity. Governments across the region have coordinated efforts to address pandemics like avian flu. The major economies of the region are working for a global climate agreement that improves energy security and cuts greenhouse gases without cutting economic growth. And the region has come together to respond to natural disasters, from the tsunami of 2004 to this year's cyclone. With all these partnerships, we are deepening trust and openness among our nations. And we are ensuring that whatever challenges the future may bring, the nations of the Asia Pacific will meet them together.

One question on the minds of many here in Asia and many around the world is the future direction of China. I have been fascinated by China since my first trip there in 1975, when my dad was head of the United States Liaison Office in Beijing. At the time, the country was just emerging from the Cultural Revolution. Poverty was rampant. The streets swarmed with bicycles. People were wearing almost identical clothes. And it seemed unimaginable that three decades later Beijing would be sprinting into the modern era covered in skyscrapers, filled with cars, home to international businesses, and hosting the Olympic Games.

Over the years, America has had complex relations with China. When I took office, I was determined to set our relationship on a sturdy, principled footing. The four goals we have pursued in Asia — reinforcing our alliances, forming new democratic partnerships, deepening our economic ties, and cooperating on shared challenges — have given America and our allies valuable new platforms from which to confidently engage China. A peaceful and successful future for this region requires the strong involvement of both China and the United States so America's engagement throughout the Asia Pacific must be purposeful and enduring.

China and the United States share important economic interests. The growth sparked by China's free market reforms is good for the Chinese people, who are building a confident middle class with a stake in a peaceful future. China's new purchasing power is also good for the world, because it provides an enormous market for exports from across the globe. The key to ensuring that all sides benefit is insisting that China adhere to the rules of the international economic system. So America strongly supported China's accession to the World Trade Organisation, where we are able to contest trade practices that we find unfair. We are disappointed that the Doha Round of trade talks has stalled, and we will continue to engage China and other nations to help reach a successful conclusion.

America has also established a new strategic economic dialogue with China, where we discuss ways to ensure long-term growth and widely shared prosperity in both our economies, as well as issues like currency exchange rates and intellectual property rights. Through these discussions and others, we are making clear to China that being a global economic leader carries with it the duty to act responsibly on matters from energy to the environment to development in Africa.

America and China have found other key areas of cooperation. We are partnering to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and China has played a critical leadership role in the Six-Party Talks. America has also stressed our determination to maintain peace across the Taiwan Strait. From the beginning of my presidency, I have stated clearly that America's approach to Taiwan would be based on our longstanding "one-China" policy, our three joint communiques, and our steadfast commitment to the security of Taiwan's democracy under the Taiwan Relations Act. I have also articulated a principle that there should be no unilateral attempts by either side to alter the status quo. As a result of this frank engagement and firm diplomacy, the tensions that once roiled the Taiwan Strait have calmed, and we are witnessing a new period of stability and peace.

Our constructive relationship in these areas has placed America in a better position to be honest and direct on other issues. I have spoken clearly, candidly, and consistently with China's leaders about our deep concerns over religious freedom and human rights. And I have met repeatedly with Chinese dissidents and religious believers. The United States believes the people of China deserve the fundamental liberty that is the natural right of all human beings. So America stands in firm opposition to China's detention of political dissidents, human rights advocates, and religious activists. We speak out for a free press, freedom of assembly, and labour rights not to antagonise China's leaders, but because trusting its people with greater freedom is the only way for China to develop its full potential. And we press for openness and justice not to impose our beliefs, but to allow the Chinese people to express theirs. As Chinese scientist Xu Liangying has said: "Human nature is universal and needs to pursue freedom and equality."

Ultimately, only China can decide what course it will follow. America and our partners are realistic, and we are prepared for any possibility. I am optimistic about China's future. Young people who grow up with the freedom to trade goods will ultimately demand the freedom to trade ideas, especially on an unrestricted Internet. Change in China will arrive on its own terms and in keeping with its own history and traditions. Yet change will arrive. And it will be clear for all to see that those who aspire to speak their conscience and worship their God are no threat to the future of China. They are the people who will make China a great nation in the 21st century.

This is my last trip to East Asia as President. I have great confidence that Asia will continue to grow in opportunity, achievement, and influence. I am confident because I know the creative and enterprising spirit of this region's people. I am confident because the forces of freedom and hope that unleashed the transformation of Asia can never be turned back. And I am confident because I know the bonds between America and our friends in Asia will never be broken.

When forces from Imperial Japan entered Thailand during World War II, the Thai ambassador in Washington was directed to declare war on the United States. He bravely refused to deliver the declaration. In turn, America refused to recognise Thailand as our enemy. Instead, we helped Thais in America band together in a movement called Seri Thai. They deployed across the Pacific, infiltrated behind enemy lines, and gathered intelligence that helped speed the liberation of this great land.

Several members of the Seri Thai movement are still with us. They have the lasting gratitude of the American people. And all in this region can count on a solemn promise from the United States: America stood with the free people of Asia in the past. We stand with the free people of Asia today. And we will stand with the free people of Asia long into your bright future.

Thank you, and may God bless you all.

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